Book Cover -- Can we finally have an honest conversation about Race?

Can we finally have an honest conversation about Race?

Posted on by Peter Thorpe

Kindle book version of this article available here:
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B08GR762H2

Audiobook version of this article available here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZYFO9yx-VGo

Contents

A heartfelt letter to all the races of mankind

This is a heartfelt letter to all the races of mankind. As many academics, social scientists, and political commentators have argued, race relations in America have deteriorated precipitously through the first quarter of the 21st Century[1],[2],[3],[4],[5], and I’m concerned about the continuation of the American experiment as we know it, as a nation in which all peoples can peaceably strive to secure life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The topic of race relations has surfaced in recent months by the death of George Floyd at the hands of four police officers in Minneapolis[6], and it has surfaced time and again over the past few years in high profile police shootings of Black males such as Michael Brown and Trayvon Martin.[7],[8] In the past few weeks and months, I’ve been deeply moved by the waves of compassion coming from individuals and groups from all the different racial groups in America. Virtually all major companies have expressed support for the Black community, and countless individuals have followed suit by endorsing pro-Black causes and offering mentoring and support to their Black employees and colleagues.[9],[10] At the same time, I’ve become more concerned than ever before that race relations are now heading down a path that could irreparably damage the fabric of society if we don’t change course within the next few years.

Contrary to the proclamations of “progress” on racial justice on the basis that support for Black Lives Matter has “skyrocketed” in recent months[11], polls and surveys show that when we take a more careful look at racial attitudes and opinions, we are just as divided as ever, and there is little reason to believe a seismic shift in attitudes has taken place in the wake of recent events.[12],[13] A recent Pew Research poll found that most Americans say race relations in the United States are bad, 70% of whom also say race relations are getting worse over time.[14] Whites and Blacks still assess the relationship between the general public and the police very differently, with 83% of Blacks calling police violence against civilians a serious problem, and only 39% of Whites agreeing in a June 2020 poll.[15] In addition, when we look at the growing support for Black Lives Matter and pro-Black movements over the last few months and the last few years, we find that the overwhelming majority of the gains in support come from White Democrats who were already more sympathetic to pro-Black causes than the average American[16],[17], and that in Pew Research’s analysis of all the people who expressed support, only about half expressed strong support, with the other half endorsing only partial support.[18] Furthermore, as I will argue, support for Black Lives Matter is not the key to addressing racial tensions, because it sidesteps the root of the problem.

I’m writing here to give a voice to the silent majority that has become dissatisfied with race relations and racial discourse in modern America, and to highlight an alarming trend over the past few years specifically: there is a stark and growing asymmetry in how the different racial groups perceive racial justice, and there is a mounting use of violence and intimidation on the parts of the most radicalized elements to achieve their goals. If I had to put a name on this phenomenon, I would call it a racial agitation cycle. The agitation of Black Lives Matter to call attention to the treatment of Black men at the hands of police and the situation of all Blacks more generally in society, sometimes through incivility and violent protest on the part of the most radicalized individuals, is being countered by massacres conducted by White Supremacists, several of whom draw their explicit justification from the changes to society brought about by the racial narrative being pushed by Black Lives Matter and the mainstream media.[19],[20],[21] In one of its recent briefs, The Center for Strategic and International Studies, one of the top rated think-tanks in the United States, reported that far-right terrorism driven predominantly by White Supremacists has been rising swiftly in the past few years, that it is the greatest terrorist threat facing the nation, and that this threat is highly likely to increase over 2020 into 2021.[22] As bleak of a picture the report paints, I will argue that a second, related threat is of even greater concern, which is that the narrative being pushed by Black Lives Matter, the mainstream media, and large swaths of individuals in our political system is a sincere attempt to fix racial inequality but it is ultimately based on a nuanced falsehood, which will inevitably cause it to alienate the vast majority of Americans and continue to radicalize racial groups in opposition to one another until a tipping point is reached.

In this letter I am going to argue that the race problem for which Black Lives Matter and the mainstream media agitate so much concern is better termed *apparent* racism, because it is truly experienced on the part of Blacks on a daily basis but not grounded in any malicious intent on the part of Whites, or any social institutions or structures intended to cause harm. I distinguish *apparent* racism from *actual* racism which denotes actual hostility on the part of Whites.

The thesis of this letter is that Blacks have confused their experience of *apparent* racism with *actual* racism, and that Whites, ignorant of *apparent* racism but focused on *actual* racism, are being alienated based on a misunderstanding, and that by embracing the science of human nature, we can make sense of the perspectives of liberals, conservatives, moderate Americans, Black Lives Matter, and White Supremacists, and, through a sincere, albeit emotionally gut-wrenching, dialogue, we can find ourselves back on the path to racial harmony.

I’m proposing a radical change in the way we all discuss race issues, and this change is relevant to all racial groups in our new, post-1965, multicultural America. The particular struggles that East Asian and Indian Americans face are not lost on me, and I will argue that by addressing the most difficult racial divide, that between Blacks and Whites, we will find the resources to strengthen racial ties between all the various racial-ethnic groups that inhabit our nation.

I want to take a moment to state that my concern is not just negative, in the sense that I want to work to avoid an irreparable breakdown of race relations, but also, in addition to this, I believe humanity is on the precipice of important technological innovations related to biology, genetics, and human improvement, and that the ideal world that can be brought about by these technologies will require the cooperation of many different racial-ethnic groups. I will argue that the future is bright if we can amicably resolve the racial tensions of our present time.

Lastly, before I dive into the argument, I will dedicate the next section to my personal experience of race growing up and leading an adult life as a high-powered Black male in predominantly White and Asian communities.

I believe my perspective is valuable because I understand the Black experience in terms of constant interaction with the other; I’ve grown accustomed to multicultural environments, having spent my college years with privileged individuals of all races at Princeton University, several years in New York living in Hispanic and minority communities while working with elites by day in the finance industry, and the past year on the South American continent here in Colombia, experiencing life alongside many of those in the most humble circumstances; I have the intellectual background to fairly cite and relate the conclusions of the eminent scientists and researchers whose work I rely upon to make my points; and, finally, my perspective is valuable because it’ll help the people close to me in this journey of life understand me better.

My personal experience of race as a high-powered Black Millennial

I grew up in the 90s in Plainsboro, New Jersey, an upper-middleclass suburb in Central Jersey that’s only a few miles away from Princeton University. The town was as safe and as boring as its name, and was mainly known for being home to some of the best public high schools in the state. The demographic makeup was predominantly White, East Asian, and Indian.

My first conscious experience of race occurred when I was in 3rd grade and we were assigned an ancestry project. We had to choose either a white wooden figure or a black wooden figure to start our family tree, and I had chosen the white one because all my friends did. My teacher took me to the side and explained I shouldn’t feel weird about choosing the other figure, and that it would work better because its skin tone was just like mine. I dismissed her suggestion flippantly because I wanted to have the same as my friends.

From there, race didn’t show up again until middle school, when we got old enough to make immature racist jokes, though nobody really meant anything by it. When I got serious about my studies in 7th grade, going into high school, and consistently achieved the highest marks of “Principal’s Honor Roll” for straight As, I noticed people starting to single me out as different. Chinese and Korean friends started referring to me as an “honorary Asian.”

By the time I got to high school, I couldn’t go more than a day or two without someone saying “Peter, you’re black.” It was always meant in an endearing, jesting way, but it persisted throughout all of high school, always coming from some Asian or Indian friend. My favorite racial epithet came one day at a lunch table, when an Asian friend watched me wrapping up a homework assignment and called me a “lemon-flavored oreo.” There was never any racial hostility, and I never consciously thought about race except in a joking sense.

When I left the bubble and got to college and started doing internships over the summer in the tri-state area, I started to develop a sense of how race was relevant to how I was perceived by society. Sometimes I overheard Asian students complaining about affirmative action, claiming that “the bar is so much lower for other minorities” and “there would be so many more of us here if it wasn’t for affirmative action.” On another occasion, an Asian friend told me about how at his family reunion all his relatives were making fun of a Black guy they knew who got fired from his job, and they called the idea of a hard-working Black man an “oxymoron.” One time, when I was interning over the summer in Connecticut, I was interrogated by a cop about “what I was doing” outside a luxury apartment, and had to explain over and over again that I lived there. Another time I was collaborating with a White friend on a programming assignment, and out of frustration when we realized the professors had changed some of the requirements, he yell-whispered “niggers…”. I instinctively jumped in my seat and gave him a harsh look and he immediately apologized frantically, saying “oh sorry man, not you, it’s just a word that’s said a lot among my friends and roommates.” On a separate occasion I heard from another White friend that “the double standard on the N word is something that ticks off a lot of White people.” One summer when I was giving a presentation at a technology company I was interning at, I explained that I was an avid chess player growing up, and one of the executives in the back joked, “Chess? Is he sure it wasn’t basketball?”. On another occasion I overheard two friends talking about the slave trade, joking to one another “It’s crazy how Black people are upset about that when they were eating each other like cannibals before we civilized them.”

When I graduated from Princeton and started work as a software developer in New York City, I noticed further effects of race. I noticed sometimes cab drivers and service workers didn’t always give me the same level of respect as other clientele. I noticed sometimes at programming events and conferences, there would be an empty seat at the end of the row if the person in the next-to-last seat was a Black person. It’s not something I noticed often, but whenever there were open seats to be taken at an event and one was inexplicably left open before the next row, it was always a seat next to a Black person. I’m curious if other people have ever noticed this “empty seat” phenomenon, or if I’m the only one. I noticed when conducting engineering interviews for Bloomberg LP with a partner, sometimes the candidates didn’t take me as seriously and focused instead on maintaining eye contact and rapport with my partner. In response, I acquired the mischievous habit of starting out my section of the interview with my most difficult question in those situations, and being as stingy as possible with clarifications and hints; I always made it a point to make that kind of candidate feel stupid, and not a single one from whom I ever sensed antagonism ever made it to the next round. It was an uncommon type of situation, but I can remember the occasions to this day, and can still feel the irksome sting of not being taken seriously.

The sum total of these experiences over the years made it clear to me that I inhabited a different kind of world from my White and Asian friends. It wasn’t an oppressive world, just an occasionally annoying one, but, at times, very annoying. Spending time with Black friends and relatives gave me the opportunity to hear many other stories in the same vein of how race could put us at a disadvantage in many different life situations. For most of my young adult life, I would have agreed with the statement that Jim Crow was long gone, but that there was undeniably a repackaged “Jim Crow–lite” that was still lurking below the surface. Looking at disparities in racial outcomes with respect to socioeconomic status and academic and career success across many different sectors and industries further reinforced that worldview.

It wasn’t until I had the time to do intensive study on the academic and scientific inquiries into race that I could make sense of all that had happened to me. I started to realize that the *apparent* racism that had shown up time and again in my life was almost never indicative of any *actual* hostility, and that, to some extent, eliminating some of the inconveniences I faced wouldn’t really be possible even in an ideal world full of only well-meaning people. I also felt a much-increased need for dialogue between the racial groups in public society at a time when opposing groups were resorting to violence and nefarious tactics to intimidate and silence their opponents or vent their rage at the system. I sensed that in public life there was an elephant in the room that everyone had agreed long ago not to talk about, but that, to my eyes, would knock the whole house down if it wasn’t tamed eventually. I sensed that people thought history had taught us the elephant couldn’t be tamed at all, so ignoring it was the most sensible thing to do, and we should just find a way to work around it. But in my own study of the facts over time, I found the elephant to not be so scary after all, and that we might even be able to get it to do some great work for us if we’re willing to confront it.

The race problem is deeper than Police Shootings and George Floyd

Black Americans have over 400 years of history on the North American continent, starting with the first shipment of African serfs that arrived in Jamestown, Virginia in 1619.[23] Almost half a millennium later, proper assimilation into American society has still not been achieved. In November of 2017, Pew Research reported that the median wealth of Black households was $17,100 while the median wealth of White households was 10 times higher at $171,000.[24] In 2018 the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that 69.4% of Black infants were born to unmarried mothers, almost 3 times the percentage of White infants born to unmarried mothers at 28.2%.[25] Despite comprising only 13% of the population,[26] recent Federal Bureau of Investigation data show that Black Americans account for 29% of all rapes, 54% of all robberies,[27] and 47% of all homicides,[28] being 10 times as likely to kill a White person than the other way around.[29],[30],[31] By contrast, European immigrant groups assimilated relatively quickly upon arrival and are virtually indistinguishable from the descendants of White settlers in terms of socioeconomic and crime indicators.[32],[33],[34]

The common explanation for the failure of Black assimilation coming from public academics, the Mainstream Media, and many political commentators is that the legacy of slavery, segregation, Jim Crow, and systemic and institutional racism have made it difficult for Black Americans to succeed in society at the same level as the European immigrants that have come to America over the centuries. [35],[36],[37],[38],[39],[40] After all, Black Americans only got full civil rights in 1964[41] and full voting rights in 1965[42], so perhaps 50 years or so is too early to hope for equality to be achieved. As former President Lyndon B. Johnson famously put it in his 1965 commencement address to students and faculty at historically Black Howard University: “You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, ‘You are free to compete with all the others,’ and still justly believe that you have been completely fair. Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates…equal opportunity is essential, but not enough.”[43]

Despite these remarks, and the widespread approbation they command even now from many sectors of society, historical and sociological analyses contradict the assertion that present institutions or the aftershock of past racism are singularly or jointly responsible for the modern plight of Black America. With respect to historical analysis, contemporary Whites and Blacks both agree that anti-Black racism has declined substantially since the Jim Crow era and the Civil Rights movement[44], however, during this period of time the socioeconomic and nuclear family formation gap actually widened significantly between Blacks and Whites.[45],[46] With respect to sociological analysis, similar socioeconomic, family formation, and crime gaps between Black Africans and White Europeans are present all over the globe, among countries with radically different histories of race relations. In Britain, where slavery was never made legal in England proper,[47] Black African Brits make up 13.7% of the prison population, despite constituting only 2% of the general population,[48] and are over-represented at every stage of the criminal justice system,[49] and on average have only 10% of the household wealth that White households do.[50] Furthermore, Black Brits are 2.5 times as likely as their White counterparts to be in a single parent household with dependent children.[51] In Canada, a country that had one of the most minimal roles in the trans-Atlantic slave trade,[52] and where only a small proportion of the Black population is descended from enslaved Black Canadians[53] and the majority of Black Canadians are immigrants that came to the country after the Canadian immigration reforms of the 1960s,[54] Black Canadians account for 8.4% of the prison population,[55] while only constituting 2.5% of the general population,[56] and have a similar income gap between their White peers that their Black counterparts in America have between their White peers.[57] Furthermore, just like Britain and the United States, Black Canadians are 2.5 times as likely as their non-Black counterparts to find themselves in single parent households with children.[58] In South Africa, where the African National Congress has been in power since Nelson Mandela was elected in 1994,[59] there are still substantial socioeconomic inequalities between Blacks and Whites, with Whites having over 4 times the life-time earnings as Blacks, and Blacks being substantially overrepresented in reliance on government support, receiving 30% more in transfers from the government than they provide to the government in taxes.[60] The country finds itself in such a deplorable economic condition that it recently decided to borrow money from the International Monetary Fund for the first time since apartheid.[61] Global statistics show that with respect to crime, family formation, and sexual transmitted diseases, countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean are substantially overrepresented compared with European countries.[62],[63],[64]

We find ourselves mystified by a sociological puzzle. Greater levels of equality, freedom, and national wealth and prosperity are correlated with rising indicators of socioeconomic hardship in Black communities. At the same time, there is copious evidence that many individuals of Black African descent do indeed have the ability to succeed at the same level, and even to a greater extent, than the most elite White Europeans – we’ve had 16 Black Nobel Laurates in various disciplines including literature, peace, and economics,[65] we’ve had scores of elite Black doctors like Vivien Thomas[66] and Ben Carson,[67] elite Black lawyers like Thurgood Marshall[68] and Clarence Thomas,[69] elite Black university professors like Thomas Sowell[70] and Condoleezza Rice;[71] we’ve had Black president Barack Obama serve two terms,[72] and very recently Princeton University named Nicholas Johnson, a young Black man, as its valedictorian for the class of 2020.[73]

This paradox will be explored in depth in the section “Understanding the race problem,” but before we get there, I’m going to cover two more aspects of race relations in modern society that are necessary to properly contextualize the discussion.

Racial conflict is a bigger threat to society than most people realize

Race touches on many different aspects of public life, and presently, in America, there is a growing hostility within segments of both Black and White communities, that will pose an existential threat to civil society if left unchecked. I argue in this section that we must understand the severity of this threat to properly frame discussions of race relations.

For over a century, elite demographers, social scientists, and public intellectuals have warned of an escalating possibility of national or global conflict along racial lines. In 1920, Harvard historian Lothrop Stoddard, one of the most influential political thought leaders of the time,[74] who predicted the outbreak of World War II,[75] the Holocaust,[76] the ongoing reduction in White global population following World War I,[77] and the continued breakdown of White racial solidarity in the wake of internecine conflict,[78] raised the possibility of an eventual race-war consisting of a union of the colored world against the White world that would make World War I seem like “child’s play” by comparison.[79] W.E.B. Du Bois, another leading historian and sociologist at the time,[80] also argued that war could break out along racial lines to the extent that inequality persisted, stating in a publication, “These nations and races, composing as they do a vast majority of humanity, are going to endure this treatment just as long as they must and not a moment longer. Then they are going to fight and the War of the Color Line will outdo in savage inhumanity any war this world has yet seen. For colored folk have much to remember and they will not forget.”[81]

In his 1965 debate with distinguished Black writer and civil rights activist James Baldwin at the Cambridge Union, leading political commentator William F. Buckley also warned of the possibility of racial conflict in America ending in violence, saying “…under no circumstances must America be addressed and told that the only alternative to the status quo is to overthrow that civilization which we consider to be the faith of our fathers, the faith indeed of your fathers. This is what must animate whatever meliorism must come because if it does finally come to a confrontation, a radical confrontation, between giving up what we understand to be the best features of the American way of life, which at that level is indistinguishable so far as I can see from the European way of life, then we will fight the issue and we will fight the issue not only in the Cambridge Union, but we will fight it as you were once recently called to do on beaches and on hills and on mountains and on landing grounds and we will be convinced that just as you won the war against a particular threat to civilization, you were nevertheless waging a war in favor of and for the benefit of Germans, your own enemies, just as we are convinced that if it should ever come to that kind of a confrontation, our own determination to win the struggle will be a determination to wage a war not only for Whites but also for Negros.”[82],[83]

In 1994, leading social scientists Charles Murray[84] and Richard Herrnstein[85] published the following warning: “Racism will reemerge in a new and more virulent form. The tension between what the White elite is supposed to think and what it is actually thinking about race will reach something close to a breaking point. This pessimistic prognosis must be contemplated: When the break comes, the result, as so often happens when cognitive dissonance is resolved, will be an overreaction in the other direction. Instead of the candor and realism about race that is so urgently needed, the nation will be faced with racial divisiveness and hostility that is as great as, or greater, than America experienced before the civil rights movement. We realize how outlandish it seems to predict that educated and influential Americans, who have been so puritanical about racial conversation, will openly revert to racism. We would not go so far as to say it is probable. It is, however, more than just possible.”[86]

In 2019, leading political scientist Eric Kaufmann[87] emphasized the emerging salience of ethnicity in politics, writing “The decline of inter-state warfare since 1945, of organized religion since the 1960s and of communism since 1989 is opening more space for ethnic politics to emerge. This is evident in the pattern of war. Over 90 per cent of wars since 1945 have taken place within rather than between countries. Of these, most have been ethnic wars. In developed countries the same forces tend to produce contestation rather than violence, raising the importance of ethnicity in politics and society. In our more peaceful, post-ideological, demographically turbulent world, migration-led ethnic change is altering the basis of politics from class to ethnicity.”[88]

Even more alarming than the dire warnings of these esteemed academics is that it seems, to me, that history is repeating itself in terms of the radicalization of the most extreme elements in what I have termed this racial agitation cycle. The analogy to the rise of the Third Reich couldn’t be more appropriate. The National Socialist German Workers’ party went from total obscurity in 1919 to controlling the German government by 1933.[89] The actions of modern White terrorists to overthrow the existing order through violent means resemble the coup Hitler attempted in 1923, in which 14 of his comrades were killed by state authorities, and Hitler himself was subsequently imprisoned.[90] Like Hitler, modern far-right violent extremists don’t see themselves as terrorists but as martyrs. As predicted by William F. Buckley in his Cambridge Union debate, they see themselves fighting against a threat to civilization, and believe that it is for the universal betterment of mankind that they wage a holy war for the preservation of the White Race.[91],[92],[93]

The scariest part of all this is that many of their concerns are justified. After reading the manifestos of Dylann Roof, the Christchurch shooter, and the El Paso Shooter, in the context of my own research into race and race relations, I could easily perceive how, had I been born with White skin, and White parents, and White ancestors, I could share the righteous impulse for which these men have been willing to die and to kill. Furthermore, I could perceive how the mainstream media, academia, cancel culture, and the extreme left-wing are acting as a catalyzing engine that is rapidly increasing the threat of right-wing extremism.

This is the conversation nobody wants to have but that we need to have. I should say clearly I don’t think the conclusion of these killers is justified—that the nature of the race problem is ultimately intractable, that peaceful dialogue will not ever work due to de-platforming and cancel culture, that the political system is bought and paid for and cannot escape the grip of corporate interests, and that therefore violence is the best way, and the only way to achieve their ideals. On the contrary, I believe through honest and open discourse, all Americans will come to the view that cooperation is the best strategy to achieve the world we all want to live in, and that it can be achieved as long as the gates of dialogue are left open.

The language I’m using here shouldn’t be misinterpreted as sensationalist. The far-right White Supremacist movement is not likely to gain any sort of political foothold any time soon, much less have a chance of taking over the United States government.[94] My main concern is not the threat from White terrorism today, but rather the realization that White terrorists are the canary in the coal mine of what is to happen to race relations should we not change course from the current racial agitation cycle we are on. That is what I believe to be the existential threat to civil society—that Whites, at first little by little, and then perhaps rapidly, will come to the same conclusions that White terrorists have come to, and, while they may not use violence to impose the changes in society they want to effect, they may incontrovertibly rupture race relations in such a way that the America of the future ceases to be the free society of the past and present.

Whites and Blacks view the race problem very differently

Before we get to the crux of the race problem, I want to take a moment to emphasize that one of the most concerning aspects of modern race relations is how differently Blacks and Whites understand how race functions in society.

Let’s start with police shootings, because that is what has dominated the news cycle and public attention in recent weeks and months. Blacks and Whites have viewed the racial attitudes of police and the verdicts of high-profile police shootings differently since Trayvon Martin was killed in 2012, and these racial differences in perspectives persist today. In 2013, Pew Research found that 86% of Black Americans were dissatisfied with the not-guilty verdict in the George Zimmerman trial while only 30% of White Americans were dissatisfied with the verdict.[95] It was this verdict that sparked the Black Lives Matter movement in the first place,[96] which leaves little doubt as to why the movement has sparked such a backlash given the differential racial perspectives on the outcome. In 2014, Pew Research found that 80% of Black Americans were dissatisfied with the not-guilty verdict for Darren Wilson in his trial for killing Michael Brown, whereas only 23% of White Americans were dissatisfied with the not-guilty verdict.[97] In that same study, Pew Research found that 90% of Black Americans were dissatisfied with the not-guilty verdict for Daniel Pantaleo in his trial for Eric Garner’s death whereas only 47% of White Americans were dissatisfied.[98] In July of 2020, Pew Research found that over 70% of Black Americans think the police do a poor job of treating racial and ethnic groups equally, while less than 30% of White Americans agreed.[99]

The asymmetries between Whites and Blacks with respect to police shootings mirror the asymmetries between the two groups’ views of ongoing racism in society. In a widely cited study conducted by Harvard Business School faculty in 2011, researchers found the following trendlines, broken down by race, in perspectives of anti-Black racism and anti-White racism over time:[100],[101]

A screenshot of a cell phone Description automatically generated

The trendlines show that Blacks and Whites agree that anti-Black racism was pervasive in society in the 1950s and has steadily declined since then, but disagree about the extent to which it has diminished. Whites rate anti-Black bias post 2000 as being about half as pervasive as Blacks rate it to be. The more concerning asymmetry is that Whites have rated anti-White racism as steadily increasing since the 1950s, eclipsing anti-Black racism in the 1990s and increasing further all the way to the present, meanwhile Blacks have rated anti-White racism as increasing only slightly since the 1950s and plateauing by the early 1980s to a level much lower than what Whites perceive it to be today.

In 2019, Pew Research found that 59% of Black Americans felt that the legacy of slavery continues to affect Black people “a great deal” in the United States today whereas only 26% of White Americans agreed.[102] That same year, a Gallup poll found that 73% of Black Americans supported government-funded cash reparations paid to Blacks who are descendants of slaves, while only 16% of White Americans agreed.[103]

A dispassionate look at the asymmetries between the ways in which Whites and Blacks view race relations inspires pessimism at best and despair at worst. It’s been 400 years since we’ve been on the North American continent together, but, as groups, we are still living in separate worlds when it comes to many of the central issues that impact civil society.

Understanding the race problem

Race is real, it is more than skin deep, and that is something to celebrate

It’s time to get to the root of the problem. Deep down we all know it’s true, but it’s become taboo to admit in public that the different races are just that, different. They differ, on average, in physiology,[104],[105],[106] temperament,[107],[108],[109] athletic ability,[110],[111] and mental capacity.[112],[113] The traditional categories that are used for racial self-identification including Caucasian, Black African, and East Asian correspond to real categories of genetic kinship based on continental ancestry, and genetic clustering methods that group together unidentified individuals based on genetic similarity invariably group individuals together in a way that corresponds to the traditional categories of race.[114],[115],[116],[117],[118] The academic way of stating this from the point of view of human population genetics is that “genetic differentiation is greatest when defined on a continental basis.”[119] It is prudent to be clear about what these studies show and what they don’t. There is no single “gene” or “group of genes” that separates one race from another, but, rather, the broad racial groups differ in the distributions of gene-variants that are found within representative sample sizes of individuals of their respective populations.

The elite wisdom that “race is a social construct” as opposed to a biological reality that has dominated public discourse on race is originally derived from the 1950 Statement on Race by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) which declared that there was no scientific justification for racial bias.[120] This statement marked a radical shift in the way all the countries of Europe and North America began to treat the topic of race in the wake of the Holocaust and the war crimes of World War II that were committed in the pursuit of racial perfection.[121] It was the culmination of a new school of thought spearheaded by Franz Boas, known as Boasian anthropology, the promoters of which were primarily concerned with combatting racism, especially antisemitism, and, in many cases, were of Jewish descent themselves.[122],[123],[124],[125] Of the original 8 signers of the 1950 UNESCO statement, 3 were Jewish,[126],[127],[128],[129] 2 were Hispanic (one from Brazil, one from Mexico),[130],[131],[132] 1 was Indian,[133],[134] 1 was Black,[135],[136] 1 was a non-Jewish White Caucasian,[137],[138] and the principal author was a Jew.[139],[140],[141]

The thesis of the statement can be summed up in this sentence taken from the 1969 revised version of the original 1950 statement, “Having regard to popular ideas on the subject, it was essential to point out that the contemporary anthropologist does not regard the human race as naturally divided into white people, yellow people, black people, or any other sub-division, but as composed of a vast number of populations, each with its own history of development. Taken together, they form a continuum such that any attempt at classification according to selected combinations of characters leads to the conclusion that many populations are unclassifiable (which was already acknowledged in the statement of 1951).”[142] The argument here is that there is an abundance of overlap in both the inherited and acquired human characteristics between the populations within the traditionally defined racial groups, as well as tremendous diversity within each group, such that human classification based on a fixed set of characteristics would render ambiguous the categorization of many individuals and populations within these so-called races.

This dictum has been repeated ad nauseum to the present day in various forms by leading academics, often of Jewish heritage themselves. In 1972, Jewish biologist Richard Lewontin published a widely cited paper titled “The Apportionment of Human Diversity” in which he argued against the classification of human beings into the major traditionally defined races (Caucasian, African, Mongoloid etcetera) on the basis that of the total genetic variation within the human species, 85.4% is found within populations and only 6.3% was found between populations that correspond to the traditionally defined races.[143] In 1997, Jewish anthropologist Ashley Montagu published a revised version of his book “Man’s Most Dangerous Myth” in which he recapitulated Lewontin’s statement that there is “greater variation within the racial groups than between them.”[144] This same phrase is also cited to this day in the American Anthropological Association’s “Statement on Race.”[145]

Of course, none of Lewontin’s findings would have surprised the Nazis or the White Supremacists of the early 20th century.[146],[147],[148],[149] They knew all too well that human variation implies considerable overlap between individuals in all races in all heritable traits. They were primarily concerned about the implications of the variations in the distributions of traits among the racial groups, because differences in distributions of traits yield widely different kinds of human beings at the group level. In a group that has a systematically higher frequency of gene-variants for height, there will be vastly more tall people in a large group of individuals than there will be in a group that has a systematically lower frequency of gene-variants for height, even if in that second group there is one outlier that is taller than everyone in the first group. The same goes for intelligence and behavior, including characteristics like IQ, altruism, law-abidingness, aggression, neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and political orientation, all of which are significantly heritable.[150],[151],[152],[153],[154],[155],[156] As we will explore in depth in the next two sections, the traditionally defined racial groups differ in their distributions of important, highly heritable traits, both cognitive and behavioral.

And now we come to the crux of the race problem: race-based bias at the level of individuals is virtually always irrational, because there are almost always better predictors available than biologically-correlated race of how a person is likely to be in terms of cognitive ability and behavior; at the same time, race-based bias at the level of representative groups is based on reliable predictors of how representative groups of people of a biologically-correlated race are going to be in terms of cognitive ability and behavior.

Is this conclusion as frightening as so many people have made it out to be for so long? I don’t think so, and that will form the core of my argument in the next two sections. To sum it up, it would be a frightening conclusion if we couldn’t measure precisely for the different racial groups what the distributions of their capacities were, because in that case, ethnic diversity becomes like a game of Russian roulette or a box of chocolates, you never know what you’re going to get and it could just kill you—but, instead, the tools of science allow us to measure precisely the differences in the distributions of traits between the racial groups, in addition to important cognitive and behavioral capacities of individuals, so we can navigate through a multicultural society smoothly by treating people as individuals while keeping an eye on the relative proportions in society of the various racial groups.

I will further argue that these differences are a blessing, not a curse. Genetic diversity keeps the human race resilient to pandemics,[157] aids scientific health and disease research,[158] and provides copious raw material for the reshaping of humanity in the rapidly approaching science-fiction future of genetic modification and human enhancement.[159] More importantly, understanding the science of human variation helps us as a society to provide meaningful lives to all of our citizens; we can structure society so that, without any coercion, the forces of the political system, the public sector, and the private sector demand from each according to his abilities, and give to each according to his needs. The founding fathers of the United States were smart enough to structure a society that already does that quite well.

IQ explains socioeconomic life outcomes and racial disparities

Intelligence is a real, measurable phenomenon, and tests of intelligence are among the most accurate tests in all of psychology.[160],[161] Over a century of data of intelligence testing has shown that all tests of mental ability wind up ranking individuals virtually the same in terms of their relative levels of intelligence.[162],[163] These tests tap into a global factor of mental ability, which psychologists refer to as “the g factor of intelligence.”[164],[165] IQ tests are an empirical measurement of the general factor of intelligence and are the single most effective predictor of individual success in academics and the private sector, with more predictive power than both job interviews and college transcripts.[166],[167] IQ tests are not culturally biased and make equally reliable predictions for members of all racial groups and social classes.[168],[169] The socioeconomic significance of IQ can be summed up in the following chart from “The General Intelligence Factor” by Linda Gottfredson, professor emeritus of educational psychology at the University of Delaware and co-director of the Delaware-Johns Hopkins Project for the Study of Intelligence and Society:[170]

It’s worth taking a moment to dispel the myth that persists in the mainstream, but has long been settled among experts, that there is any “controversy” about the validity or the reliability of IQ tests. IQ tests are valid, in the technical sense, in that they are predictive of major life outcomes. [171] IQ tests are reliable, in the technical sense, in that they virtually always give the same score when taken by the same person.[172] IQ is stable across the human lifespan, with measurements taken in childhood having high correlations with measurements taken up to age 90.[173],[174] After the publication of The Bell Curve in 1994 by leading researchers Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein which reported on the state of intelligence research, including the differences in IQ distributions between the racial-ethnic groups, the mainstream media engaged in a dishonest campaign to discredit the established findings of the scientific community, and, in response, a multitude of leading intelligence researchers across the United States and Europe jointly published a widely cited summary paper on the state of intelligence research titled “Mainstream Science on Intelligence” for the specific purpose of combatting the disinformation coming from the mainstream media.[175]

Here comes the important part for race relations. IQ is highly heritable—60 to 80% of the variation we observe between individuals in their IQ scores can be explained by differences in genes—and the races differ substantially in their average IQs, and have differed by the same margin since IQ testing began about a century ago.[176],[177],[178],[179] Furthermore, the science of interventions to increase IQ show that there is no known way to raise IQ by more than a few points, and even when interventions succeed in raising IQ by a few points, the results do not last,[180],[181] and that all the available evidence suggests the majority of the environmental variation that accounts for differences in realized IQ does not come from the shared environment—such as privileged vs underprivileged households and school systems, but rather comes from the non-shared environment—such as the mother’s womb.[182] This explains why biological twins reared apart have a much higher correlation in their IQs than non-biological siblings reared in the same household,[183],[184] and also explains why upper-class Blacks with high socioeconomic status score lower on average on IQ tests and standardized achievement tests than poor Whites.[185]

Let us now consider the socioeconomic situation and behavioral patterns of the major racial groups in America, in comparison with their White counterparts, taking into account their average IQs.

Black Americans

The IQ bell curve for Black Americans is centered around a median of 85 points, with 50% of Blacks having an IQ of 85 or higher and 50% having a lower IQ. This contrasts with White Americans who have a median IQ of 100-103.[186],[187] The IQ distributions of all the racial-ethnic groups are well approximated by a normal distribution with a standard deviation of about 15, [188],[189] meaning the average Black person has an IQ at the 11th percentile of the White intelligence distribution, meaning Black adults on average have the equivalent mental capacity of White 13-year-olds.[190],[191] At the same time, socioeconomic inequality with Whites virtually vanishes once IQ is controlled for, and this has been true since the era of the Civil Rights movement. Here is a chart of the Black/White employment ratio since 1960, controlling for IQ:[192]

The chart shows that in 1960, shortly before the Civil Rights movement hit its stride, *actual* anti-Black racism was pervasive to the extent that in both clerical, and professional and technical jobs, Blacks who were just as intelligent as Whites had only half the level of employment. Here, we are able to make empirical sense of the old adage in Black communities that you had to be “twice as good” to make it in the White world. However, by the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, Black and White employment had reached parity after controlling for racial differences in intelligence. Afterward, due to aggressive affirmative action, Black employment has been over 1.5 times what it should be after controlling for IQ, hence the growing perception on the part of Whites that society is discriminating more against them than it is against Black Americans.

Furthermore, nationwide occupational data show that the earnings gap between Black and White Americans had virtually vanished since at least the early 90s when IQ is controlled for, with Black Americans even out-earning their White counterparts in various economic sectors:[193]

Recent data show that these trends continue. To take a concrete example, intelligence research has shown that medical doctors must have an IQ of at least 114 to succeed in that profession.[194] As of 2018, 5% of American doctors (45,534 individuals) are Black Americans,[195] but only 2.66% of Black Americans have an IQ of 114 or greater,[196] corresponding to 1,169,977 individuals,[197] meaning the probability of becoming a doctor, given you are a Black American who has the cognitive ability for it is 3.89%. On the other hand, 56.2% of American doctors are White (516,304 individuals),[198] and 17.4% of White Americans have an IQ of 114 or greater,[199] corresponding to 43,577,736 individuals,[200] meaning the probability of becoming a doctor, given you are a White American who has the cognitive ability for it is 1.18%. That means you have a 3 times greater chance of becoming a doctor just by being Black in America, once you control for cognitive ability, and similar results are found among many other professional occupations once IQ is controlled for.[201],[202],[203] At the same time, by raw percentages, only 5% of medical doctors are Black Americans, while Black Americans constitute 13% of the general population,[204] which causes great consternation on the part of the those who advocate for equality but don’t understand the science of human differences. This is a paradigmatic example of the phenomenon of talking-past-one-another that has characterized racial discourse since the 1960s. The lesson for the future, and, as I would urge, the present, is that we must take into account the science of human nature when assessing group differences in outcomes in the struggle for a truly fair and equal society.

East Asian (Chinese, Japanese, Korean) Americans

East Asians have a median IQ of 103-106,[205],[206],[207] putting them a few points ahead of White Americans, on average. Since East Asians have not agitated much concern about socioeconomic inequality, I will not focus on that in this section, but rather focus on affirmative action in university admissions, about which Asian Americans have expressed much frustration.[208] In 2014, the organization Students for Fair Admissions filed a lawsuit against Harvard University, alleging that they unfairly discriminate against Asian Americans in admissions. In 2019, a federal judge ruled that Harvard had not unfairly discriminated against Asian Americans, but an appeal of that decision was subsequently filed earlier this year.[209] The plaintiffs argued that Harvard was using a subjective “personal” rating metric in the assessment of applicants as a means of artificially weeding out otherwise qualified Asian American students.[210]

At the surface, there seems to be evidence that elite universities are taking deliberate measures to limit the number of Asian students on campus. In 2009, Princeton sociologist Thomas Espenshade reported that at highly selective schools East Asian undergraduate students average 140 points higher on the SAT than their White counterparts.[211] Furthermore, many Asian individuals are beginning to hide their ethnicity during the application process, believing that their ethnicity is being interpreted as a mark against them. [212] However, an analysis from the standpoint of intelligence research suggests their conclusions are, at least partially, mistaken.

Currently, in the class of 2023, 25.3% of undergraduate students at Harvard University are Asian Americans, which is 417 students,[213] and studies show that the average IQ of students at elite colleges is about 140,[214] and there are 19,366,131 Asian Americans,[215] and about 226,584 Asian Americans with IQ 140 or higher,[216] so the chances of going to Harvard given that one is a qualified Asian American are roughly .18% whereas there are 756 White students in the class of 2023 at Harvard,[217] and there are 250,446,756 White Americans, and about 1,703,037 White Americans with IQ 140 or higher,[218] so the chances of going to Harvard given that one is a qualified White American is roughly .04% which means Asians have an almost 5 fold advantage over Whites in admissions if they are qualified.

The situation is actually even worse than that for White Americans, because a significant percentage of the “White” population at Harvard and other elite schools is actually Jewish.[219],[220] I’ll analyze the Jewish situation more closely in the next section, but while we’re here it’s worth mentioning that the higher bar that Asians are being held to compared with their White peers is what is generating the perception that elite schools are discriminating unfairly against Asians. In that sense, Asians are being discriminated against, but, at the same time, their representation is far in excess of their general cognitive merit, so they come out winning even with that discrimination taken into account. A simpler way of thinking about this is that Whites make up over 70% of the American population,[221] and Asians less than 6%[222] and since they have roughly equal levels of intelligence on average, we should see over 10 times as many White, non-Jewish students represented than Asians, but instead we see that there are less than twice as many Whites as Asians, even including Jews.

While we’re discussing Whites and Asians, an interesting item that many scholars have found perplexing is the question of why Europe came to predominate the world over East Asia to such a significant extent starting in the middle of the 15th century.[223],[224] From the 15th century through the 20th, over 80% of significant contributors to the arts, math, and science were European,[225] and by the 20th century Europeans had conquered or colonized more than 80% of the world.[226] This period of conquest contrasts with Europe from 500 CE to 1400 CE, when it passed through the Dark and Middle Ages, during which time the Chinese generally had superior economic and military power.[227],[228] In 1620, Francis Bacon documented the 3 inventions that had had the greatest impact on the world—the compass, gunpowder, and the printing press—and all of these were invented in China.[229] An interesting hypothesis that some intelligence researchers[230] have proposed is that the Black Death in Europe—one of the deadliest pandemics in history that took place in the 14th century, and wiped out between one-third and two-thirds of the entire European population between 1347 and 1351,[231]— likely had a profoundly eugenic effect on the European populace, raising their average IQ substantially over what it had been previously (because the survivors of the pandemic were disproportionately represented in the upper classes which highly correlates with intelligence). In addition, researchers have found evidence that while Europeans and East Asians have similar average IQs, Europeans have a greater variance than East Asians do, with more super geniuses and more cognitively impaired individuals.[232] East Asians, on the other hand, are more likely to cluster closer to their higher median.[233] There is also evidence that Europeans have higher average levels of individualism and intellectual curiosity, which, jointly with their greater IQ variance, would help explain European world predominance.[234]

Jewish Americans

Ashkenazi Jews are the predominant Jewish group in America, constituting over 90% of the American Jewish populace,[235] and have a median IQ of 113, almost a full standard deviation above the median IQ of White Americans.[236] This cognitive advantage has garnered them immense socioeconomic, media, and political influence in the United States. Despite comprising only 2.2% of the United States population,[237] Jews have the highest annual income of any ethnic group in the United States,[238] and 4 times the average household wealth as the typical American family, which amounts to over $400,000 per Jewish family;[239] they comprise 40% of the 50 richest Americans[240] and 30% of the 400 richest Americans;[241] they make up 30% of the media elite,[242] 46% of Hollywood TV producers and directors,[243] 66% of Hollywood movie producers and directors,[244] and 80% of the CEOs of the top 10 U.S. entertainment companies;[245] they comprise 6% of congress,[246] and 33% of the Supreme Court;[247] and they jointly account for 50% of all the political contributions to the Democratic party, and 25% of all the political contributions to the Republican party.[248] Jews are also vastly over-represented at elite colleges and universities, even after controlling for their elevated median IQ;[249] in 2012 4% of college-age American Jews were enrolled in Ivy League institutions compared with 1% of Asians and .1% of White gentiles;[250] in 2020 they make up 11% of the undergraduate students at Harvard and 53% of the graduate students at Harvard;[251] they make up 13% of the undergraduate students at Yale and 20% of the graduate students at Yale;[252] and they make up 8% of both graduate and undergraduate students at Princeton.[253] It is a curious fact that Jews often make up a substantial fraction of the “White” population at elite institutions while not being demographically separated as “Jewish,” though they have centers for Jewish life and Jewish cultural activities at virtually every major campus.[254] On the world stage, Jewish achievements parallel the success of Jews in America. Despite constituting only .2% of the world’s population,[255],[256] Jews comprise half of the world’s chess grandmasters and champions,[257] have won 27% of A.M. Turing awards[258] (the highest distinction in Computer Science),[259] and have won 14% of the Nobel Prizes awarded in the first half of the 20th century, 29% in the second half, and 32% of the Nobel Prizes awarded in the 21st century.[260]

While White-Jewish relations aren’t the focus of this article, it is worth taking a moment to pause and reflect on how the science of human nature once again illuminates history. From the standpoint of intelligence research, it isn’t hard to see why Whites and Jews have historically had so many problems getting along, with so many Jewish expulsions throughout history in many different countries in Europe.[261] In any fair society one would expect Jews to be over-represented in the upper echelons of socioeconomic power and political influence merely as a result of their elevated IQ, therefore to the extent that Jewish influence is perceived to be at odds with the goals of the greater society one would expect confrontation to result.

At the same time, understanding elevated Jewish IQ can help society appreciate the disproportionate wealth creation and advancements in science, technology, and medicine that it owes to its Jewish population.

In Summary

Racial-ethnic differences in socioeconomic outcomes are largely explained by differences in median IQ between the racial-ethnic groups in America, even though, to the untrained eye, differential racial outcomes seem to be *apparent* evidence of racism. I believe that acknowledging and understanding racial differences is key to resolving the stalemates we have consistently run into when discussing race in public society. Furthermore, I believe the science can empower us to engage in activism more responsibly so that we achieve equality in accordance with the natural capacities of each citizen.

Sociobiology is the bridge between *apparent* racism and *actual* racism

In this section, I shift focus from racial disparities in outcomes to the lived experience of racism, about which Black activists have agitated much concern. Here, I argue that the lived experience of *apparent* racism that pervades life in America for much of the Black populace is actually based on biologically-correlated race-based differences in behavior. As I will discuss at the end of this section, understanding the underpinnings of *apparent* racism will help empower us to mitigate its effects in society.

Sociobiology is the systematic study of the biological basis of social behavior, a term coined by world-renowned biologist E.O. Wilson in his 1975 treatise on the subject, “Sociobiology: The New Synthesis.”[262],[263] The key finding of sociobiology that is relevant to this discussion is that human behavior is best captured by an interactionist model in which biologically inherited characteristics, and the subsequent causal relations they engage in with the environment, including the social or cultural environment, are the underlying cause of all human social behavior.[264] Therefore, one would expect that to the extent that the racial-ethnic groups differ in their biology, they will differ in their behavior, especially in substantially heritable behavioral traits like altruism, law-abidingness, aggression, neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and political orientation.[265],[266],[267],[268],[269],[270]

The scientific data on behavioral differences between Blacks, Whites, and East Asians are best summarized by the charts found in J.P. Rushton’s widely-cited treatise on the subject, “Race, Evolution, and Behavior:”[271]

With this foundation, we can now assess the lived experience of racism in terms of race differences in behavior. Black individuals are often stereotyped as less intelligent, because, as the chart indicates, and as we discussed in depth above, Blacks are less intelligent, on average, than Whites and East Asians. As mentioned in my personal story above, I’ve experienced many times the phenomenon of not being taking seriously, initially, by other people who assumed that disposition just upon meeting me for the first time. However, in every case, that initial perception changed quickly upon further interaction, often changing with nothing more than having a single conversation. This phenomenon occurs because, as research has rigorously demonstrated in a multitude of studies, demographic stereotypes—generalizations people form about racial-ethnic groups and male/female gender categories—are usually accurate, and highly responsive to new, relevant, and individuating information.[272],[273],[274] Similar explanations can account for the full spectrum of what many modern commentators have labeled “micro-aggressions”—interactions or behaviors that communicate some sort of bias toward historically marginalized groups[275]—including the fear Black men sometimes generate in strangers, owing to their generally higher levels of testosterone, aggressiveness, and impulsivity, and the increased suspicion that Black men generate in law enforcement for many of the same reasons. To take a concrete example, many Black men and women have expressed frustration about the “driving while Black” phenomenon in which they have the impression of being policed with more scrutiny than their non-Black counterparts.[276] In 2015, the New York Times published the results of their own investigation into the phenomenon, in which they presented evidence that Black drivers were over-represented in being pulled over by police, and being the subjects of the use of force by police.[277] These disparities, however, can be explained by the greater likelihood of Black Americans to exceed the speed limit and to resist arrest,[278],[279] which, in turn, can be explained by the sociobiologically-based behavioral profile of Black Americans. Furthermore, racial disparities in police shootings nationwide vanish once all the relevant factors are controlled for, as Black Harvard Professor Roland Fryer noted in the conclusion of his 2016 widely-cited research paper “An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force.”[280],[281]

Before closing this section, I want to take a moment to mention that the disproportionate negative behaviors associated with Black people are not a license for actual racism, nor reason for shame among members of the Black community. Let me illustrate by analogy to the differences between men and women. Recent FBI data shows that men account for 80% of arrests for violent crimes, 88.5% of arrests for murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, 77.4% of arrests for drug abuse violations, 86% of all robberies, and 97% of all rapes.[282] If men didn’t exist, there would be little need for a police force. That, however, is not a reason to discriminate against men in society, nor a reason for men not to be proud of who and what they are. All it means is that if we look at differential outcomes between men and women in policing, we can explain them by the different characteristics underlying male and female behavior.

On that note, I am super proud to be a Black American. We are, per capita, the best athletes,[283],[284] the best musicians,[285] the best dancers,[286] the best public speakers,[287] the best comedians,[288] and, as Rushton’s data make clear, the best lovers (take note, ladies). We have also produced countless great minds that have contributed to all the academic and professional fields, with hundreds of thousands of Black individuals with IQs over 120.[289],[290],[291] We are not ashamed of anything because there’s nothing to be ashamed of.

The lesson to take away from this section is that one cannot make the leap from *apparent* racism to *actual* racism without crossing the bridge of sociobiology. Therefore, it is incumbent upon all of us to take into account the science of human differences when assessing the distinctive lived experiences of each racial-ethnic group.

That said, it also remains imperative that we have honest and open discussions about *apparent* racism as well, or, to use the lingo of the times, “micro-aggressions.” There is a substantial cost that many Black individuals pay in society on a regular basis in social interactions as a result of being stereotyped, subtly or overtly, as being less competent and less approachable than their non-Black counterparts. This, in turn, fuels resentment in Black people and worsens race relations. It is extremely important that White America keep in mind that the stereotypes that characterize a group, true as they may be, are of no value whatsoever in assessing individuals.

At the same time, we as Black people need to understand that individual social behaviors are mostly involuntary and automatic, and we can take comfort in the fact that interpersonal interaction will ultimately win out in how we are perceived as individuals. We also have much work to do, as Black people, in shaping a positive form of Black activism that elevates the many struggling sectors of Black communities. Political commentators and activists have been saying this for decades, yet we haven’t had a competent, organized, cohesive Black leadership since the end of the Civil Rights movement.[292] As I will explore in more depth in the section “Humble Recommendations for Black Americans,” there are clear social and historical reasons for this, but, as I will argue, it is the most critical issue to address before the social dysfunction in Black communities can be fixed for the long term.

It is equally important for White Americans to be open and vocal about their own experiences of interaction with minority groups. I’m curious to know if they can recognize, in their own lives, these “micro-aggressions” that people make such a fuss about. All the research I’m aware of suggests most of our social responses are automatic and unconscious, but I wonder to what extent Whites think about race when interacting with minority friends, family, and acquaintances. I’m also curious to know if White and Asian Americans also experience instances of *apparent* racism in their own daily lives.

We, as minorities, must also be aware of the costs that our own presence imposes on the greater society. Ethnic diversity has been shown to weaken social trust, especially between neighbors, and erode social capital.[293],[294] As I will further explore in my “Humble Recommendations” sections below, it is imperative that we, as a society, engage in public discourse about the benefits and the costs of ethnic diversity in America. Nothing can be gained by silence.

The equality paradox: giving everyone equal environments exaggerates genetic differences

In the effort to make America a more fair and just nation for all of our citizens, we must be aware of a paradox concerning the nature of equality. If we ever achieve the ideal of giving everyone an equal environment to succeed, fulfilling the mission we embarked on with the 1954 Brown vs Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court,[295] we will eliminate all the environmental variation responsible for group differences in outcomes. As a result, life outcomes will be entirely a matter of the genetic profile one is born with.[296] This is a purely logical consequence of eliminating environmental differences, but the result is counterintuitive, because we tend to think that equal environments should yield equal outcomes. The danger here lies in the agitation for ever-increasing measures to be taken to make restitution for differential life outcomes, when it is in fact those measures themselves that are creating a vicious cycle that results in socioeconomic stratification by race. The closer we get to giving each individual an equal chance to succeed, the more unequal we make racial outcomes.

Examples of this phenomenon are numerous in the existing data sets we have available. For instance, as socioeconomic status rises, so does the proportion of the variance in IQ scores that is attributed to genetic factors.[297] Furthermore, as jobs become more cognitively complex, the average IQ difference between White and Black workers increases, even though both groups come from more privileged backgrounds:[298]

One of the causes of the current racial agitation cycle we are on is the increasing agitation for measures to be taken to rectify differential racial outcomes, when, in fact, it is those measures themselves that generate further disparities.

There can be only one solution to this conundrum. We as a society must take the science of human differences into account when assessing racial differences in socioeconomic outcomes, and stop making efforts to equalize outcomes when they have already been equalized by controlling for cognitive ability and behavioral differences.

There is also a beautiful silver lining here that is worth observing. If we really have gotten to the point at which genetic differences account for most of the variation we see, then we’ve done a good job of giving everyone fair environments to succeed to the limits of their individual potentials.

Liberals, conservatives, moderate Americans, Black Lives Matter, and White Supremacists are all right about race, but in different ways.

Having laid out the science of racial differences, at both cognitive and behavioral levels, we can now make sense of the vantage points of all Americans across the entire political spectrum.

Liberals

Liberals, who tend to focus on helping disadvantaged groups, are right that racial disparities pervade contemporary American life. They are also correct that minorities inhabit a world in which they have an *apparent* experience of racism on a regular basis that White Americans do not share. They are also right that, in spite of whatever ways in which the races may differ, there still remain aspects of racial disparities that are not accounted for by those differences. Where they go wrong, I have argued, is not recognizing the scale of racial-ethnic differences in cognitive ability and behavior. Once these factors are controlled for, the remaining disparities are very slight, and, in many cases, the status quo actually favors ethnic minorities.

Conservatives

Conservatives, who emphasize the lack of a culture of hard work in Black communities and the breakdown of the family, are right that these are two of the predominant societal problems facing Black America. They also rightly point out that many hardworking Black Americans are able to succeed in society to the level of the most elite White Americans and don’t seem to be affected by any sort of “glass-ceiling” limiting their potential. Where conservatives go wrong is not recognizing that many of the more dysfunctional groups within Black communities are not working hard in school because they realize they aren’t able to keep up with what is being demanded of them and therefore tune-out of the education system.[299],[300],[301] Holding all racial-ethnic groups to the same standard of school achievement is in direct conflict with the natural differences in the capacities of each group. Standards must be tailored so that no more is being demanded of students, on average, than what they can handle.

Moderate Americans

Moderate Americans, who don’t think about race often, and wonder what the fuss is all about, and just want society to view everyone as individuals and forget that race even exists, are also right about a great deal. They are right that race often isn’t a meaningful concept in day-to-day life because, as explained above, there is considerable overlap between the racial-ethnic groups in their cognitive and behavioral profiles. For any group of individuals, there are generally lots of sub-groups across races that have similar characteristics. This is compounded by the fact that neighborhoods, primarily suburbs, tend to be stratified by socioeconomic class, so one tends to share a good deal in common with one’s neighbors even when they are of different races. Where moderate Americans go wrong is not realizing that the group characteristics correlated with representative sizes of the racial-ethnic groups are, to a substantial degree, a reflection of the biological inheritance of that racial-ethnic group; and, further, the ramifications of biologically-based differences are extremely important for large communities, including states and nations.

Black Lives Matter

Black Lives Matter, which organizes protests and marches to call attention to the differential treatment of Black American men and women at the hands of police, is right that Black Americans are often treated with increased suspicion, resentment and physical force at the hands of police, some of which is hard to account for even after controlling for the standard variables.[302] It is wrong, however, on several counts—one, it is wrong in its assertion that police shootings are evidence of racial bias; two, it is wrong in asserting racial bias in non-lethal police use of force without controlling for the more aggressive, less inhibited behavioral profile of Black Americans; and three, the whole foundation of the movement is based on uninformed opinions that are in direct conflict with the established facts of the Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, and other cases.[303],[304],[305] Even in the case of the killing of George Floyd, one has to take into account the fraction of arrests that result in death that are not a result of racial bias, but just a result of police incompetence or an unfortunate failure of generally safe protocols. The movement can’t be intellectually honest if it doesn’t grieve as intensely for White Tony Timpa as it does for Black George Floyd. No one has made a better case for this than John McWhorter, Black professor of linguistics at Columbia University.[306] The bottom line is that you can’t claim racial bias without controlling for all of the relevant variables, including the distinctive cognitive and behavioral profiles of each racial-ethnic group.

White Supremacists

White Supremacists, who, on one end of the spectrum, confine themselves to voting Republican and living in all-White neighborhoods, and, on the other end of the spectrum, engage in White nationalist activism and sometimes commit mass murder— are also right about a great deal. They are right that race is real and that the racial groups differ in ways that are important at the level of large communities, including states and nations. Where they go wrong is making the inference that the best and only solution to the apparent problem of racial differences is a peaceful or forced ethnic cleansing of minority populations from the United States of America. As I will explore in more depth in the section “Humble Recommendations for White Supremacists,” the ethnic cleansing solution, aside from being morally horrific, is just not the best strategy to bring about the kind of world they would actually want to live in. As I have argued, however, it is essential that all Americans understand the reasoning that motivates that impulse within White Supremacists so we can effectively combat it.

Practical steps to restore race relations

Empathy and Empiricism must reign together to break the racial agitation cycle

I have argued at length in this article that the racial groups are currently being radicalized in opposition to one another due to misunderstandings about the lived experience of *apparent* racism and misunderstandings about the reality of racial differences. These delicate topics are a powder keg that can explode into rage and violence when not dealt with carefully, so when we engage in dialogue about these issues it must always be done with the same empathy we would have for a parent, a spouse, or a best friend. That said, it is incumbent upon every informed American to bring the science of human differences to the table when discussing differential racial outcomes because that is the only way to break the racial stalemate we’ve had since the end of the Civil Rights movement, a stalemate created by one side focusing on equality of outcome and the other side focusing on equality of opportunity. These outlooks coincide when the relevant sciences of cognitive ability (median IQ) and sociobiology (behavioral profiles) are taken into account, which will do much good for race relations.

When the science isn’t taken into account, Black Americans feel slighted and White Americans feel unappreciated. This isn’t helpful for anyone, and, as I have argued at length, is leading us down a road to increased racial animosity until a tipping point is reached. Let’s change the direction of history while we still can and lower the temperature of these conversations by just accepting that different groups of people are different, and we will readily stand together to fight injustice, but only after that injustice has been demonstrated after controlling for IQ and race differences in behavior. If everyone started doing this in public discourse, then conversations about disparities would cease altogether and we’d just start talking about how to make America a better place for everyone. That is what I would love to see.

Humble Recommendations for Black Americans

  • We need to move past the worn-out narrative of dependency that has characterized Black America since the end of the Civil Rights movement and embrace the American work ethic of personal responsibility and pulling ourselves up by our bootstraps. Now that the science is in place and well understood, sooner or later we’re not going to be able to pull the race card and ask for more government assistance without being able to demonstrate that a real disparity exists, which all the evidence, as I pointed out, suggests is minimal. Inequality of outcome at the level of racial groups will persist because of our unique cognitive and sociobiological profile, but that doesn’t make us less; on the contrary, as I pointed out above, we’re already at the top of lots of different fields and we have hundreds of thousands of great minds succeeding in all of the world’s intellectually challenging disciplines. Let’s be proud of who we are and move forward without worrying about having the same exact outcomes across the board as everyone else. That would just be boring anyway.
  • We need to live up to the positive image the Civil Rights movement created for Black America on the world stage. Nonviolent protests, decency, civility, deliberate oratory, cross-racial fraternity, and decorum should be our bread and butter. We should be the most active force expunging the violent and hoodlum elements from our own communities; we shouldn’t have to wait for the government to step in. At the same time, we should keep in mind that some of the social breakdown we’ve seen in many Black neighborhoods is due to an unforeseen side effect of integration which has been the phenomenon of Black Flight—the steady migration of the most competent Black individuals out of inner cities into suburbs and gated communities. This leaves behind many Black men and women without role models to set a positive example, so identifying key individuals within Black communities and promoting their leadership is a top priority, which I’ll explore in more detail in the bullet point below.
  • We need to push for a new, unified leadership that the majority of Black America can relate to. All Black Americans, myself included, are well aware of our deep-seated need to signal racial solidarity with one another, which most of us do by calling one another “brother” and “sister,” voting Democrat, and supporting whatever Black faces we see in the media. This behavior of signaling racial closeness is essential to Black character at the group level and I don’t see that being erased any time soon, nor does it need to be. What we must be aware of is that one of the unfortunate side effects of this behavior is that it causes us to uncritically support whatever movements the media promotes as being authentically Black movements which themselves often do not further the interests of Black people, and yes I am specifically referring to Black Lives Matter. The only way to change this dynamic is for us to find and empower role models in the Black community that exemplify the highest qualities of the Black leaders during the Civil Rights movement and that are authentically Black in the sense that the vast majority of the Black populace can relate to them. To get Black people, as a group, behind productive, activist movements, history teaches us that the movements must feel Black—the rhythmic clapping we have in Black Churches, the long-winded, eloquent speeches that elevate the soul, and that always perceptible, though often subdued, hardened character that comes from growing up in difficult circumstances. White-washed Black people like Barack Obama, Candace Owens, and myself can’t perform this function. We need individuals that both embody the spirit of Louis Farrakhan and Al Sharpton and embrace the American ethic of personal responsibility, civility, and equal opportunity as opposed to equal outcomes. These individuals must operate at the community level, being the visible face of organizations on the ground and in the media. Let’s all do our part to make that happen.

Humble Recommendations for White Americans

  • I humbly ask White Americans to not give up on the possibility of racial groups getting along. My research and conversations with White friends give me the impression that a lot of the White world is exasperated with the race situation, and feel they have exercised an exceeding amount of patience, and that Black people are being just plain ridiculous talking about racism almost 60 years after the Civil Rights movement. Please keep in mind that most of Black America is taking its cues from the mainstream media, which shines the spotlight on handpicked Black faces and movements, and, as I explained above, out of a deep-seated need to signal intra-racial solidarity, Black Americans give an automatic, perfunctory nod of support to these movements. Most of Black America is more moderate than all the race-baiting Black figureheads in the media like Al Sharpton, Ta Nehisi Coates, Michael Eric Dyson and Roland Martin. I would suggest that if we were to replace those Black figures in the media with Black people preaching personal responsibility and, at the same time, embodying essential Blackness as I defined above, there would be a radical shift in the nature of Black social movements and protests overnight. The worn-out narrative of Black dependency is kept alive by the media more so than it is being kept alive by Black people, which is why I argued a change in both the leadership on the ground and in the media is necessary to transition Black America to a healthy social dynamic as a whole.
  • I encourage all White allies that want to see racial harmony restored to be uncompromising about taking the science of human nature into account when assessing differential racial outcomes. As mentioned above, as more and more people take the science into account, society will realize that it has already accomplished the goal of equalizing outcomes, and our conversations will shift to be about how we can make America a better place for everyone.
  • I humbly urge White officials and authorities to take action against the violent, destructive elements within Black communities. White officials have been too lenient in allowing violent protesters to destroy government property and threaten the safety of their own neighborhoods.[307] A well-intentioned, yet forceful push-back on Black misbehavior is exactly what many sectors of the Black community need to help kill the narrative of dependency and replace it with one of personal responsibility.
  • I urge White Americans to keep in mind the scale of the racial differences at play here. Half of Black Americans have an IQ below 85, being like White 13-year-olds in the mind, cognitively unfit to even serve in the military which by law cannot accept people with IQ under 85 because everything they wind up doing is counterproductive.[308] Much of the violent, criminal behavior in Black communities is coming from them, so we must strive, as a society, to curtail that behavior and forcefully put it out, and not take too much offense at their tantrums, the same way we wouldn’t take too much offense at the outbursts of adolescents.
  • I further humbly ask that in understanding the importance of taking the science of human differences into account, White America doesn’t make the mistake of thinking that group differences have any relevance to individuals, and don’t abuse the science to demean Black individuals and groups they disagree with. As urged extensively above, these issues must be treated truthfully, but delicately.
  • I humbly ask that in the push for a more healthy social dynamic between Black and White America that there is more concern shown in public discourse. I would much prefer to see the hashtag “#BlackLivesOverBlackLies” rather than “#BlackLiesMatter” or other sarcastic remarks, even if I, and other sizeable segments within Black America know exactly where you’re coming from. If you must go the sarcastic route, I personally would like to see less charged, yet still poignant slogans like “#AllSidesMatter.”

Humble Recommendations for Colleges and Universities

  • I humbly ask colleges and universities to revise affirmative action policies to be fair for all races because, as discussed above, they are also contributing to the racial agitation cycle. By lowering academic standards for Black students, they arrive at campus less cognitively equipped than their White and Asian peers and tragically confirm the stereotypes that the non-Black world has about them. This also alienates White and Asian students from their Black colleagues and causes them to think the system is biased against them. I don’t think we need to go so far as to discontinue the consideration of race in admissions altogether because it is consistent with the other ways in which we value group membership such as legacy admissions, athletic recruitment, and male and female representation; so I think we can make everyone happy by holding Black admits to the same academic standards as Whites and Asians, and just accept that there will be fewer Black students represented. A fair way to do this would be just requiring that Black admits have standardized test scores at the median or above of test scores of White and Asian admits. As discussed above, there is no shortage of capable Black students; I and most of my Black friends at Princeton would have still been admitted under such a policy. These changes would cause White and Asian students to acquire a natural respect for their Black peers; nobody will feel the system is discriminating against them, and everyone will get along.
  • On the subject of affirmative action, I would also humbly ask colleges and universities to be more transparent about Jewish representation. I don’t say this as an accusation of unfairness as much as I say this out of concern for the Jewish community. Many individuals in the growing anti-Semitic movements justify their hostility on the basis of alleged Jewish ethnic nepotism,[309] so to the extent that it looks plausible, that is a danger for the Jewish population.
  • Do not drop the SAT and standardized testing. These are essential predictive tools for college success because they have high correlations with first-year grade point average in college and provide better predictions when taken into consideration than high school grade point average alone.[310] The recent push to eliminate the SAT on the basis of differential racial outcomes[311] is a vain attempt to equalize the natural cognitive inequalities between the races. If standardized testing were eliminated, there would be even greater cognitive differences between White, Asian and Black students which would fuel resentment between racial groups to an even greater extent than existing affirmative action policies do now. Nothing beneficial can come from that. On the contrary, I would humbly ask that we as a society embrace IQ testing again and stop beating around the bush when it comes to cognitive ability, and use IQ tests as the fair, unbiased filter to select cognitively capable students of all races for higher education.
  • Stop going on witch–hunts against academics with politically incorrect opinions on race. Just two months ago, Stephen Hsu, vice president of research and graduate studies at Michigan State University, resigned from his administrative position after the president of the university requested his resignation in the wake of several petitions that called for his removal on the grounds that his research and public statements were based on “scientific racism.”[312] The petitions for his removal were signed by over 1,000 total students, faculty, and outsiders, meanwhile a counter-petition was signed by 970 students, faculty, and outsiders, including yours truly, Peter Thorpe.[313] Many esteemed academics also signed the counter-petition including Steven Pinker at Harvard, Jonathan Haidt at NYU, and Scott Aaronson at UT Austin.[314] The main ideas of Stephen Hsu’s arguments have been presented throughout this article, and we shouldn’t judge the merit of ideas by the skin color of the person presenting them. Furthermore, at Princeton University, Joshua Katz, professor of classics, was vilified by students and faculty in retaliation for his labeling of the “Black Justice League”—a student group that operated on campus between 2014 and 2016—as a “local terrorist organization.”[315],[316] Katz was not asked to resign, but the level of reproach he received for having politically incorrect opinions is a telling example of the censorious political climate at many elite institutions.[317]

Humble Recommendations for News Media and Journalists

  • I wouldn’t go so far as to label you guys the #EnemyOfThePeople, but I wouldn’t feel comfortable calling you guys the #FriendOfThePeople either. Trust in the media has been declining since the 1980s[318] for good reason—as I pointed out above, you guys have lied about racial differences to our faces and many of you are clearly driven by a radical egalitarian agenda. I humbly suggest that you win back the public’s trust by balancing viewpoints across the political spectrum, and not distorting facts that are inconvenient for particular political agendas. Several media outlets have already acknowledged their biases and are working to fix them.[319],[320] That is a good sign because you have much work to do here.
  • Stop sensationalizing racial conflict.
    • Don’t hype-up stories about Black men killed at the hands of police unless you’re also going to hype-up stories about White men killed at the hands of police. It is intellectually dishonest to report on Black George Floyd and ignore White Tony Timpa. I understand the perverse incentive here, in that some of the most popular stories on major media networks are about Black men killed by police officers,[321] but that doesn’t justify the harm to society that comes from implanting invidious ideas unnecessarily in the minds of the general public. As I argued at length above, a dispassionate analysis of racial differences in policing shows that there is no bias in the lethal use of force, so promoting these stories is not only dangerous, but also dishonest. We as the public need to find a way to hold you more accountable for responsible reporting and we will find a way to do so.
    • Don’t report on any racial disparities whatsoever unless you have controlled for the science of racial differences.

Humble Recommendations for Black Lives Matter

  • I know this is difficult to hear, but I humbly ask that the Black Lives Matter movement be dissolved as soon as possible. It is ultimately based on false, divisive narratives about the just verdicts of the killers of Black men such as Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown. Black America and White America have diametrically opposed views on the verdicts because Black people are too busy signaling racial solidarity and just going along with the media narrative being presented by handpicked Black figureheads to pay attention to the facts of these cases, while White America is just calling a spade a spade. The Black Lives Matter movement has too much baggage to be salvaged.
  • I humbly ask those who have contributed to Black Lives Matter at rallies and protests to invest their energy into finding and supporting authentically Black, competent individuals that the majority of the Black community can relate to, and that epitomize the American ethic of personal responsibility and success as measured by equality of opportunity as opposed to equality of outcome.

Humble Recommendations for White Supremacists

  • I have enough self-awareness to know White Supremacists are unlikely to acknowledge any recommendations from a Black guy, but, nevertheless, publicly posting these recommendations, I believe, aids societal understanding of these complex issues.
  • I humbly ask that White Supremacists live up to their own demands of intellectual honesty for everyone in society who engages in discourse on racial issues. I’ve already conceded, at length, in this article that White Supremacists who emphasize the importance of the ramifications of human differences for states and nations are largely correct about the science. What I have not conceded, and do not concede, is that ethnic cleansing, whether peaceful or forced, is the optimal strategy to bring about the world everyone, including White Supremacists, would like to live in. To state the argument briefly, White Supremacy is a suboptimal strategy in modern America for bringing about a cohesive, high IQ nation. Aside from the moral horrors of ethnic cleansing, it is geopolitically unfeasible, due to low White total fertility,[322] the differential birth rates between the White world population and the non-White world population,[323] the economic incentives for continued non-White immigration,[324] the lack of any viable democratic pathway to ethno-nationalism,[325] and, as I would argue, the realization that a much better post-human society would be brought about by a multicultural, genetically diverse populace, with a more than high enough median IQ to sustain a flourishing technological society until it reaches the post-human phase. Political and social scientists have already made the intellectual case for all the items in that list except the last one, which is my own touch based on the conclusions of various futurist researchers. I will elucidate this last item in the section “the future is bright if we can bring back racial harmony.”
  • I do concede, however, that my rejection of White nationalism is historically contingent; if I were a White guy back in the 19th century, with full knowledge of the scientific racial calculus, I would have agreed with Lincoln that it was a mistake bringing the Negros over from Africa in the first place.[326] But we’re not in the 19th century and we as Black people were brought over here without being asked. Instead of longing for a reversion to past historical settings and circumstances, we should embrace the amazing opportunities afforded to us by the technological revolution (brought about in large part by those clever Jews you guys hate so much) and transform ourselves into the best kind of post-human society that would never want to trade places with the men and women of the past.
  • I also agree that updating current immigration policy to favor high IQ immigrants and exclude low IQ immigrants—White or non-White—would be a great policy to put in place, especially because the age of radical automation is upon us. As I will explain further in the section “Humble Recommendations for Policymakers,” we should also factor in regression-to-the-mean[327] when screening for high IQ immigrants so we keep those IQ gains over generations.
  • I also agree about bringing back a non-degrading, positive form of eugenics, based on liberal, as opposed to authoritarian, policies. I will elucidate this point further as well in the section “Humble Recommendations for Policymakers.”
  • Disband the movement; stop the hate; and start working with other serious-minded Americans of all races to improve our great country.

Humble Recommendations for Private Companies

  • Stop engaging in discriminatory political activism. I argue that discriminatory political activism on the part of private companies is one of the most serious threats to American civil society in the 21st century and that this threat, in particular, has relevance to race relations. I argue by analogy to Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. That statute made it illegal for public accommodations—hotels, restaurants, theaters, and all public facilities—to discriminate or deny services to patrons on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin.[328],[329] One of the primary justifications for the law was that constant discrimination in the public sphere on the basis of one’s identity is a heavy psychological burden and an affront to human dignity.[330] Similarly, private companies in modern America are using their influence to both limit freedom of expression in the modern digital public square, and deny services to Americans on the basis of their political orientations. Examples of this phenomenon are numerous. Dozens of popular commentators have been banned from YouTube for expressing controversial opinions,[331] dozens of individuals have had their PayPal accounts shut down for having controversial opinions,[332] and even high profile figures, including President Trump’s own son have had their viewpoints censored.[333] The observation I make here is relevant to race relations because modern tech companies—Google, Facebook, Twitter, etc—are using their monopolies on the public square to deny services to swaths of Americans whose political views on questions like race don’t align with the views of these companies, which, as I’ve argued at length, is fueling the racial agitation cycle we are currently on. Examples include Amazon banning popular books on race, such as Professor Emeritus of Psychology Kevin MacDonald’s scholarly works “The Culture of Critique,” and “Separation and Its Discontents,”[334] various editions of Hitler’s Mein Kampf,[335] and a number of other books on race from various publishers.[336] They have even taken down electronic versions of important historical works like “The Rising Tide of Color against White World Supremacy” which I cited earlier in this article.[337] If these private companies continue to have unrestricted power over what we can and cannot say, then when they control all our cars, our computers, our phones, and all the connected, smart devices in our homes, Americans with controversial opinions will suffer an inescapable psychological humiliation that can only fuel ever increasing amounts of anger and resentment, especially when it comes to the subject of race. Living in a country that has “freedom of speech” written into the constitution means nothing if, whenever we actually try to exercise that speech, we find ourselves impeded. While the constitutional amendment is about restriction of speech on the part of the federal government,[338] we nonetheless, as Americans, cannot and will not accept living in a society in which we must suffer the psychological humiliation of not being able to express ourselves. I would echo William F. Buckley’s words and say that if it should ever come to a radical confrontation between obeying the law, and expressing our fundamental identities, then disobedience, civil or uncivil, will be the only answer, and the morally correct answer.
  • Don’t lower the bar or invent fake jobs for ethnic minorities. That also just fuels the racial agitation cycle. As explained above, there are plenty of competent ethnic minorities around to work at all of the top companies.

Humble Recommendations for Policymakers

  • I humbly ask that policymakers punish private companies for engaging in discriminatory, partisan political activism. As outlined above, this creates psychological humiliation in the public square, is inconsistent with the spirit of legal precedent, and fuels the racial agitation cycle. I applaud President Trump for making efforts to take tech companies to task for discriminatory political censorship.
  • I humbly ask that policymakers revamp immigration law so that we discriminate in favor of high IQ immigrants and discriminate against low IQ immigrants. America has had a long history of being a magnet for the top talent on the world stage, and I believe we should maintain that tradition to keep America as strong as it can be. On the subject of screening immigrants for IQ in the context of public policy, Jason Richwine, former fellow at the American Enterprise Institute,[339] has produced excellent work in specifying how immigration law can factor in the measured IQs of prospective immigrants as well as the projected IQs of their descendants over time.[340] I believe these kinds of policies can satisfy Americans across the political spectrum. Conservatives will like these policies because they will attract the best and brightest to America, and will have a disparate racial impact favoring European immigrants, and liberals will like these policies because they can guarantee representation as well of a sizeable subset of minority immigrants, whose presence will be welcomed by the greater American populace. This will also strengthen the American safety net system as we attract fewer lower-skilled workers who won’t be needed as much in the age of automation.
  • I humbly ask that policymakers endorse and implement conservative proposals for Basic Income that would replace welfare. Here, I am specifically referring to proposals like Charles Murray’s that could be paid for by eliminating all welfare and social services programs including social security, Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, etcetera in favor of providing a $10,000 annual income, paid monthly, to all Americans that are at least 21 years old.[341] The benefits of implementing such a system include fixing the inefficiencies of the current welfare system by putting the power in citizen’s hands to control their own lives with cash, being more sustainable and cheaper than existing welfare systems (being a trillion dollars cheaper by 2028), and removing the perverse incentives of existing social services programs. For instance, it is projected to substantially reduce the number of births to single women nationwide, which will help reverse the phenomenon of dysgenic fertility in this country since out of wedlock births occur disproportionately to low IQ women.[342],[343]
  • I humbly ask that policymakers investigate and implement a voluntary eugenics program that is not in any way contrary to human dignity. There is currently an alarming trend in America in which low IQ women are having substantially more children than high IQ women,[344] which implies a weaker workforce in the future as there is a strong correlation between national gross domestic product and average IQ.[345] Indeed, some researchers have estimated that an average IQ of 90 is the threshold for sustaining a technological society.[346] A voluntary, incentives-based eugenics program that disincentivizes births to low IQ women and incentivizes births to high IQ women will strengthen the nation and reverse the dysgenic trend of the past century. In the current political climate, such a program is difficult to envision, so I recommend starting with broad education at the national level about intelligence research and psychometrics and their importance to the nation so we can get the conversation started. Taking into account public opinion is also essential here. If the American public rejects the idea of disincentivizing births to the lower IQ segments of the population, that can be balanced by providing greater incentives to the higher IQ segments of the population.

The future is bright if we can bring back racial harmony

The world has become a much better place since the last great bloody conflict on the world stage ended in 1945. Violent crime of all types has declined including war, homicide, street fights, and sexual assault, leading historians to label this period the “long peace.”[347] Longevity, safety, and well-being have increased as assessed by a host of empirical measures,[348] and global poverty has fallen sharply since the 1990s.[349]

To consummate this ensemble of prosperity, many futurist researchers have forecasted a radical increase in the pace of technological change, culminating in a transformation of the human condition in which we will have orders of magnitude more intelligence and dominion over the natural world. They refer to this phenomenon of rapid change and transformation as the “singularity” and argue it will lead humanity to a “post-human” condition.[350],[351]

Ray Kurzweil, a director of engineering at Google, who boasts an impressive track record of accurately predicting technological change over several decades,[352] has written extensively about the singularity in a series of books, including “The age of Spiritual Machines” and “The Singularity is Near.”[353],[354] In the latter, he argues that a key turning point in bringing about the singularity will be advancements in genetic engineering which will then give way, eventually, to a merging between nonbiological machines and the human biochemical machine, with the nonbiological part eventually being the primary component.[355] This transformation suggests not only an improved human condition, but also radical life extension and quite possibly immortality.[356],[357]

While the grand vision Kurzweil sketches appears fanciful, the advancements in genetic engineering he discusses are right on the horizon[358] and have important implications for race relations. As we gain the ability to reprogram our own genetics, the inherited characteristics of each racial-ethnic group will fade into obscurity in the shadow of chosen characteristics. Furthermore, leveraging existing genetic diversity, which requires cooperation between various racial-ethnic groups, will be paramount in optimally reprogramming the human species.[359] Thus, we can expect the salient racial-ethnic differences of today to be the fodder for the true racial equalization of the future. This should encourage us to have not only hindsight, but also foresight in our contemporary discussions of race issues, keeping in mind that if we can find harmony in our present times, then the future that awaits all the races of mankind is very bright indeed.

10-point summary of the entire article

  1. Race is a real, measurable phenomenon, not a “social construct.” This has been confirmed by numerous studies in human population genetics, converging on the conclusion that “genetic differentiation is greatest when defined on a continental basis.” All races have the same genes and gene-variants, but they differ on the distributions of gene-variants within their respective populations.
  2. The races differ on average in cognitive ability (median IQ) and biologically-based physiological and behavioral profiles, and the tools of modern science measure these differences well. All races have great minds, great athletes, and great artists, but the distributions of these people differ substantially between the racial-ethnic groups.
  3. These differences account for the vast majority of the so-called racial disparities we see in the present and have seen historically in the past but are not a valid justification for racism; they are actually cause for celebration because they help us as a society to demand from each according to his abilities, and give to each according to his needs in the context of the American (as opposed to the Marxist) way of life. Furthermore, these differences aid scientific research, keep the human race resilient to diseases, and make the world a more fun, interesting place, provided that group representation is in the right proportions.
  4. There is a real, daily, lived experience of *apparent* racism on the part of Black people, but it is generally not due to *actual* hostility on the part of Whites, but rather grounded in the generalizations Whites automatically form about Black people as a group, which are, in fact, accurate. While the group stereotypes are accurate, they are of no value when dealing with individuals, and research and personal experience confirm that individual interaction erases the use of stereotypes quickly, often in a single conversation. There are still discussions to be had about *apparent* racism (also known as “micro-aggressions” when considered in terms of its presence or “White privilege” when considered in terms of its absence), because it is a social cost borne regularly by Black people, including myself, but those discussions need to be counterbalanced against discussions of the costs of ethnic diversity, which weakens social trust and erodes social capital. Public discourse at the community level on the social impact of both of these items is needed to make progress. Those who feel they are affected need to speak up in the classroom, the workplace, and the neighborhood. Keep in mind that neither side is intending to make the other feel uncomfortable.
  5. The Black community needs new leadership. Disband #BlackLivesMatter because it’s ultimately based on a false, divisive narrative. Black leadership must come from individuals who are knowledgeable about the science of human nature, who are able to promote the American work ethic in Black communities, who reject the narrative of victimization, who fight for natural equality according to the natural capacities of Black people which thank goodness can be measured well by the instruments of science; and MOST IMPORTANTLY these individuals must be authentically Black people that the majority of the Black community can relate to, not white-washed Black people like Barack Obama, Candace Owens, or myself. Where erudite, white-washed Black people can help is identifying competent authentically Black individuals and promoting their leadership in Black communities. This will be a struggle due to the phenomenon of Black Flight since the end of the Civil Rights movement, but it’s the only way to permanently change the narrative. I’m already looking into ways I can help with this.
  6. We need a zero-tolerance policy for violent protests. I’m with Trump on this one. This will both help Black communities in the present that have a surplus of violent individuals and help Black communities in the future by changing the narrative from victimization to personal responsibility. A forceful push-back from the non-Black world on the worn-out narrative of dependency that has characterized Black America since the end of the Civil Rights movement is essential to change the dysfunctional dynamic of Black communities.
  7. The media isn’t the enemy of the people but isn’t exactly the friend of the people either. In this article I document specific disinformation campaigns that have come from the mainstream media on the subject of race, making it clear it has a bias that it is willing to act on. Racial sensationalism is also another problem—these Police Shooting stories get sky high ratings which give the media a perverse incentive to promote them. From a moral standpoint, they have no right to report on Black George Floyd if they’re not also going to report on White Tony Timpa. Let’s push back on the media’s racial sensationalism by tuning out these stories, which will cause the ratings to drop and force the media to abandon the push for divisive racial narratives in this country.
  8. Non-Black individuals can be allies by always controlling for the science of Human nature when assessing group differences in outcomes, so that we don’t cause unnecessary racial divisiveness like the mainstream media. Call it out when a racial disparity is alleged that doesn’t take into account the science. Every voice doing this one at a time will break the current racial agitation cycle we’re on that is fueling resentment between racial groups because one group is looking at equality of outcome while the other group is looking at equality of opportunity. These two outlooks coincide when the relevant science is taken into account, and that will do much good for race relations. If everyone started doing this in public discourse, then conversations about disparities would cease altogether and we’d just start talking about how to make America a better place for everyone. That is what I would love to see.
  9. The future is bright for racial harmony if we can move past these disagreements. Genetic engineering and transhumanism are right around the corner. The nonbiological component of human beings may very well take over the biological component this century, which would make the racial issue completely moot anyway. Cooperation between the different racial-ethnic groups will be essential in making us the best post-human society we can be.
  10. We need more voices from everyone across the racial spectrum to better understand how we can all move forward together. Recent polling shows that approximately 62% of Americans feel they can’t express their true views about controversial issues in public because of the current social and political climate.[360] If I accomplish anything with this article, I hope to shatter this fear in other Americans and encourage and inspire them to share and proclaim their points of view in the public square. As I’ve argued at length in this article, the future of America depends on breaking the racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in since the end of the Civil Rights movement, and in the end we will all prefer that be done with the pen rather than the sword.

Bibliography

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3 thoughts on “Can we finally have an honest conversation about Race?”

  2. A fascinating discussion is definitely worth comment. I believe that you should write more about this subject, it might not be a taboo matter but usually people don’t talk about such issues. To the next! All the best!!|

    Reply

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